Source: http://www.realclearpolitics.com/2010/12/11/memo_to_the_left_hands_off_obama_247154.html
Condoleezza Rice Bill Richardson Mitt Romney Karl Rove Rick Santorum
Source: http://www.realclearpolitics.com/2010/12/11/an_inescapable_conclusion_on_afghanistan_247185.html
Dianne Feinstein Bill Frist Newt Gingrich Rudolph Giuliani Al Gore
Yet the Coalition?s radicalism is not without risk. The electorate is perfectly capable of simultaneously applauding a dynamic Government and fearing the consequences of its dynamism. This is a swashbuckling nation of entrepreneurs, pioneers and warriors; but it is also a land suspicious of change, jealous of tradition, made anxious by those who would disrupt, transform and unearth what is already there. With the occasional vivid exception, Britain has been a country of evolutionary rather than revolutionary change. As a people, we moan with equal vigour about the status quo ? and about those who try to change it.
So those who undertake as much change, with as much speed, as this Coalition already has since May 11 must not expect a smooth ride. In this context, the triumphs of Margaret Thatcher are often recalled as an inspiration, and rightly so. But it should never be forgotten that the Iron Lady?s campaigns and crusades were fought in very different circumstances. The enemy, for a start, was usually clear and identifiable: the unions, Scargill, the Argentinean junta, international communism. Inflation is a less abstract financial evil than a huge fiscal deficit. The evils that Cameron and Clegg seek to take on are no less monstrous in their way, but they are much harder to dramatise in the public?s mind.
Mostly, the problems that the Coalition has to address are structural: bad systems which produce bad results, that spend too much public money with insufficient return. The transformation they seek to bring about is cultural rather than ideological: not a wholesale victory of ?small-state? doctrine but a generational shift in attitudes to work, to the fabric of our communities (the Big Society), and to our responsibilities towards one another and (as in the case of student fees) for ourselves.
This sort of shift will not be achieved by fiery, demotic language. Indeed, in many cases, it will be obstructed by such provocations. Welfare is a case in point. The journey upon which the Coalition is embarking is one of its noblest, and the ministerial team at the Department for Work and Pensions one of the best, under the leadership of Iain Duncan Smith. The annual �195 billion benefits bill is out of control, but it is the human cost of welfare dependency that is truly intolerable. So change must come, and urgently so. But that does not mean it will be straightforward.
Some claimants are indeed out-and-out ?scroungers? and morally deplorable cheats, living off their taxpaying neighbours with no intention of sharing the burden. But most are not. When it comes to benefit claims, there is a wide and complex spectrum of behaviour, ranging from the completely justified to the fraudulent: between the two extremes are millions of people, many of whom have grown up with no meaningful exposure to the life of work, or have been unemployed for so long that they have forgotten what the dignity of labour feels like. A myriad cultural and psychological factors play their part. Some will be fit for work immediately; some never; many will need help to make the transition, perhaps for some while.
This is not a Left- or Right-wing point, but an argument for practicality, on the cusp of a bold and necessary programme of reform. Take Incapacity Benefit. Next spring, a process of rolling reassessment will begin, subjecting the 1.6 million claimants of IB to a test, with the aim of abolishing the benefit altogether and transferring those who need it to the Employment and Support Allowance. To repeat: this is an essential reform. But it will be painful, politically and to the many who feel themselves traduced by the assessment results. Within Government, the working assumption is that about 400,000 IB claimants may end up feeling themselves thus traduced. Some of them ? not all ? will inspire genuine pity in the public. Some of them ? not all ? will complain vigorously to their MPs, to newspapers, on television and radio. Some of them ? not all ? will mount acts of protest in Westminster, protests that will doubtless seek to caricature the Coalition?s actions as Dickensian. Worst of all by far will be those who sink into despair. As one senior Government source put it to me: ?It is quite possible that there will be cases of suicide.?
Given that apparent risk, how much more important it is that the reform is enacted with as much humanity as determination, with a calm voice and listening ear as well as unbending political will. Listening to student leaders, protesters and sixth formers last week, one could tell how far the Coalition still has to go to explain to teenagers and their parents what the new and highly progressive fees regime will really mean to them.
The radicalism required of this Coalition is not the radicalism of its predecessors, however successful they might have been in their time. It is the radicalism of persuasive competence and engaged compassion: shock therapy, yes, but with a good bedside manner. This is leadership of the most nuanced sort: robust, sometimes fiercely so, but alive to the painful consequences of change, and mindful of the impact of tone and language. If this sounds incredibly hard, that is because it will be. Ministers and the police are bracing themselves for another round of student protests tomorrow. They won?t thank me for saying that all this is the easy bit.
Sam Brownback Laura Bush George W. Bush George H. W. Bush Jimmy Carter
Source: http://www.vanityfair.com/online/wolcott/2010/12/amen-brother-ii.html
Sean Hannity Harry Reid Mitch McConnel Rush Limbaugh George Bush
It has long been clear that Iran's domestic political power struggle impedes prospects for any diplomatic breakthrough on the nuclear standoff - just a year ago, a confidence-building fuel swap agreed between Western and Iranian negotiators in Vienna was shot down in Tehran by conservative and reformist rivals to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. But U.S. domestic politics too may be coming into play to restrain President Barack Obama from embracing a deal reportedly being discussed with the Iranians by European negotiators.
On Monday, as Iran's nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili met in Geneva with E.U. foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton, a group of prominent U.S. Senators - including John Kyl, Joe Lieberman, Kirsten Gillebrand and John McCain - wrote to President Obama urging him to reject any proposal under which Iran would maintain a uranium-enrichment capability. "It is critical that the United States and our partners make clear that, given the government of Iran's patterns of deception and noncooperation, its government cannot be permitted to maintain any enrichment or reprocessing activities on its territory for the foreseeable future," the Senators wrote. "We would strongly oppose any proposal for diplomat [sic] endgame in which Iran is permitted to continue these activities in any form." (View images of Iran's official media coverage.)
The Senators' letter followed a statement made by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton the previous week that seemed to indicate a change in the U.S. negotiating position. She suggested that a diplomatic solution would include Iran exercising its right to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, once it had "restored the confidence of the international community" that its program had no military objective. "They can enrich uranium at some future date once they have demonstrated that they can do so in a responsible manner in accordance with international obligations," she told a BBC interviewer.
Although the Bush Administration had taken the same zero-enrichment position demanded in the Senators' letter, until now the Obama team has been vague on whether it would accept Iran keeping a uranium-enrichment capability in a certifiably peaceful nuclear program. But Clinton's comments seemed to correspond with proposals reportedly put to the Iranians by Ashton. Media reports suggested European diplomats were offering a deal in which Iran could continue to enrich uranium if it satisfied transparency concerns raised by the U.N.'s nuclear watchdog, the IAEA, and agreed to a tighter and more intrusive inspection regime than the one currently in effect. Although Iran is not accused of currently building nuclear weapons, it is required by U.N. Security Council resolutions to suspend enrichment until it has satisfied the IAEA's concerns. But according the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to which it is a signatory, once the IAEA has resolved the disclosure issues that had raised questions about its intentions, Iran has the right to enrich uranium for energy purposes under international scrutiny. (Watch TIME's 2009 interview with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.)
The Bush Administration, along with Israel and France, believed that Iran could not be trusted with a civilian enrichment program, because that would give it the technological basis to build weapons within a year or two, should it choose to break out of the NPT - as North Korea did in 1994. The Senators who wrote to Obama on Monday clearly share that view - which, however, is not supported by most of the countries currently implementing sanctions against Tehran or by some influential voices in Washington, who have warned that no diplomatic solution is possible while demanding Iran relinquish the right to enrichment for peaceful purposes. "The Bush Administration [argument of] no enrichment was ridiculous ... because it seemed so unreasonable to people," Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman John Kerry told the Financial Times last year, citing Iran's NPT rights. "It sort of hardened the lines ... They have a right to peaceful nuclear power and to enrichment in that purpose."
Earlier this year, former Secretary of State Colin Powell told an interviewer, "The Iranians are determined to have a nuclear program. Notice I did not say a nuclear weapon. But they are determined to have a nuclear program, notwithstanding the last six or seven years of efforts on our part to keep them from having a nuclear program." The more realistic goal, he argued, was to press Iran to agree to greater oversight of its program in order to build confidence in its stated peaceful intentions. (Comment on this story.)
Unless the West is able to force the Tehran regime into an as-yet-unlikely surrender, some form of compromise on the question of enrichment may be the only diplomatic game in town. And Clinton's statement signaled that the Administration may be coming to realize that. But powerful voices in Washington are mustering to stop President Obama from playing that game. And that means that, even if Tehran is amenable to a deal - and that remains a very big if - trying to make one could leave Obama going into his 2012 re-election campaign facing charges of being "soft on Iran." Given the epic mistrust between the U.S. and Iran, and the skepticism of Obama's domestic political critics, any long-term deal on the nuclear issue may still be years away. But hawks will be warning that the clock is ticking and pressing for tougher measures.
Watch TIME's interview with former nuclear inspector Mohamed ElBaradei.
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